Medal 96mm Georges Clemenceau Ferdinand Foch Burner Ferdinand Gilbault

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Seller: artistic.medal ✉️ (4,941) 100%, Location: Strasbourg, FR, Ships to: WORLDWIDE, Item: 176287769432 Medal 96mm Georges Clemenceau Ferdinand Foch Burner Ferdinand Gilbault. 242- tir96 Copper medal from the Paris Mint (cornucopia hallmark from 1880). Minted in 1918. Copy showing traces of handling. Beautiful old patina for this quite rare and large 96 mm module. Artist/engraver : Ferdinand GILBAULT (1837-1926). Dimensions : 96mm. Weight : 318 g. Metal : copper . Hallmark on the edge (mark on the edge)  : cornucopia + copper. Quick and neat delivery. The stand is not for sale. The support is not for sale. Georges Clemenceau (/kle.mɑ̃.so/N 1), known as the Tiger, born September 28, 1841 in Mouilleron-en-Pareds (Vendée) and died November 24, 1929 in Paris, is a French statesman, president of the Council from 1906 to 1909 then from 1917 to 1920. The son of a doctor and a doctor himself, he was mayor of the 18th arrondissement of Paris then president of the Paris municipal council at the start of the Third Republic. He was a deputy between 1871 and 1893, serving as a radical republican. He defended amnesty for the Communards and campaigned for the restitution of Alsace-Moselle. Anticlerical, he advocated the separation of Church and State and opposed colonization, bringing down the Jules Ferry government on this issue. Founder of the newspaper La Justice, he then worked at L'Aurore and took an active part in the defense of Captain Dreyfus. In 1899, he published the book “Iniquity” on the Dreyfus affair. In 1902, he was elected senator in Var, a mandate he held until 1920, although he had previously criticized the institution of the Senate, as well as the Presidency of the Republic. Appointed Minister of the Interior in Mars 1906, nicknamed "the Tiger" and calling himself the "first cop of France", he harshly repressed strikes - which distanced him from the socialists - and put an end to the dispute over inventories. At the end of 1906, he became President of the Council, a position he held for almost three years and which he combined with that of Minister of the Interior. In 1913, he founded the newspaper L'Homme libre, which he renamed L'Homme chainé after having suffered censorship; A fervent opponent of the German Empire, he was critical of the actions of the French governments in place during the First World War. In November 1917, he was again appointed President of the Council and formed a government devoted to the prosecution of the war. A fierce supporter of total victory over the German Empire, he continued the war and was given the nickname “Father Victory” at the end of the conflict. He then negotiated at the Paris Peace Conference, where he displayed strong hostility towards Germany. Subsequently, in 1919, he promulgated the eight-hour law and won the legislative elections at the head of the National Bloc, a coalition bringing together the right and the center. Although very popular in public opinion, he refused to run in the presidential election of January 1920 after being put in the minority during the preparatory vote of the Republican group in the National Assembly. He then leaves the head of government and withdraws from political life. Origins and formation Spelling of last name In the civil registry (Act No. 76), his name is “Georges Benjamin Clémenceau”, with an acute accent on the first “e”. During his birth and in his youth, the writing of his family name was variable, with or without an accent, which was common for proper names whose spelling was not stabilized until the second half of the 19th century. century. According to the historian Jean-Baptiste Duroselle, it was Georges Clemenceau himself who imposed in Mars 1884, in the columns of his newspaper La Justice, the writing “Clemenceau”, without him being able to give an explanation. precise to this attention suddenly paid to the spelling of his name1. The pronunciation [klemãso:] (“Clémenceau”) is however preferred to [kləmãso:] (“Clemenceau”). Both spellings are found for the names of his family members. Family Sophie Emma Gautreau (1817-1903), mother of Georges Clemenceau. Benjamin Clemenceau (1810-1897), father of Georges Clemenceau. Born on September 28, 1841 at 19, rue de la Chapelle, at 9 a.m. (since renamed rue Georges-Clemenceau), in the house2 of his maternal grandparents in Mouilleron-en-Pareds3. We notice that on the birth certificate there is an acute accent on the first e of Clemenceau, Clemenceau later asserts “It is to the Vendée character that I owe the best of my qualities. Courage, stubborn obstinacy, combativeness4”. He is the second of six children (Emma, ​​Georges, Adrienne, Sophie, Paul and Albert) of Benjamin Clémenceau (April 29, 1810 – July 23, 1897), established as a doctor in Nantes, but living mainly from his rents5, and of Sophie Eucharie Emma Gautreau (December 21, 1817 – April 20, 1903)6,7 His paternal family, which belongs to the Vendée bourgeoisie, lives in the Colombier manor, in the commune of Mouchamps. At the beginning of the 19th century, she inherited by marriage the domain of “l'Aubraie” of Féole8, in the commune of La Réorthe, in Vendée, a region of royalist and Catholic tradition. His great-grandfather, Pierre-Paul Clemenceau (May 29, 1749 – November 10, 1825), was a doctor in the Western Armies during the Vendée War, then sub-prefect of Montaigu and deputy of the Legislative Corps in 1805, in beginning of the First Empire9,10. In his home at Colombier in Mouchamps – acquired by an ancestor around 1702 – he organized one of the centers of the republican group, called “les Bleus de Montaigu”11. His father, Benjamin, is a doctor; he is a committed republican, progressive, fiercely atheist, who had a great influence on Georges, the second of his six children, by transmitting to him revolutionary ideals and hatred of all monarchies12. Benjamin Clemenceau, who had notably participated in the Trois Glorieuses of 1830, welcomed the advent of the Second Republic as a deliverance but must nevertheless become disillusioned following Operation Rubicon and the establishment of the Second Empire. Monitored for his political activities, Clemenceau's father spent several periods in prison but continued to defend and instill republican values ​​in his sons and daughters. This paternal influence left an indelible imprint on the Tiger who nourished throughout his life a great admiration for the French Revolution and its ideals. In the words of Michel Winock “Georges was raised under the portraits of the men of the French Revolution13. » Through his philosophical and political convictions, Clemenceau thus affirmed himself as a true heir of the “Blues”, in the traditional tripartite partition of the political behavior of the French. Since the French Revolution, the political behavior of the French has in fact been divided into three families inherited from the major philosophical and political currents that emanated during and after the French Revolution, namely the “Blues”, the “Whites” and the “Reds”. In this political partition, the “Blues” are the liberals and republicans considered as the heirs of the French revolutionaries, notably the Jacobins, placing freedom, progress and freedom of conscience at the heart of their political program. The “Whites” are the conservatives considered to be the historical descendants of those who supported the Monarchy and the Church during the French Revolution and distinguished by the importance they attach to order and the homeland. Finally, the “Reds” are considered the supporters of the Revolution, of egalitarianism, true heirs of the Communards of 1871 and who were historically in favor of the collectivization of the means of production. However, these three political families should not be perceived as monolithic blocs in the first place because they are above all ideal types in the sense of Max Weber (and therefore do not really exist in reality as they are), in secondly because certain ideals and values ​​are common to two families. For example, the defense of the homeland is a value claimed by both the “Blues” and the “Whites” (which will explain the fierce patriotism of Clemenceau and the support of a good number of right-wing deputies who can be considered as “whites” during the First World War). Benjamin Clemenceau, father of Georges Clemenceau. His family has long been close to another large family of progressive republicans, that of Marcellin Berthelot. Clemenceau's great niece, Annette Clemenceau, married Marcellin Berthelot's grandson, Richard Langlois-Berthelot14. Benjamin Clemenceau participated in the Trois Glorieuses of 1830 and, during the Revolution of 1848, he created a “Nantes Democratic Commission9”. Detained for a brief period in Nantes following the coup d'état of December 2, 18519, he was arrested after the Orsini attack of 1858 and subjected, without trial, to transportation to Algeria under the security law. general9. However, he was released before boarding Marseille, thanks to the indignation of Nantes9 and the intervention of a group of notables, notably his colleague Pierre Honoré Aubinais, a Nantes doctor and left-wing Bonapartist, who would have been close to Jérôme Bonaparte [ref. incomplete]15, and placed in forced residence for some time in Nantes9. In addition to this republican background, marked by the bust of Robespierre on the fireplace, his father taught him hunting, horse riding and fencing: in 1890, Clemenceau was the ghostwriter of his friend James Fillis for his Principles of Dressage and horse riding16. Benjamin Clemenceau was in his time a painter: bust portrait of his son as a child, and a sculptor: profile of his son and double profile of him and his sister Emma, ​​both in plaster, in 1848, the year he planted in the Colombier family property in Mouchamps (85), with his young son, an Atlas cedar, his “Liberty tree”, which overlooks his grave, and, since November 1929, that of his son. His mother, Sophie Gautreau (1817 - Hyères, April 20, 1903), who taught him Latin (he also knew Greek), came from a family of farmers who became petty bourgeois, of Protestant religion9. Studies and American stay Georges Clemenceau around the age of sixteen (Clemenceau museum). Georges Clemenceau was a student at the Nantes high school from the 5th grade in 1852-53. His 5th grade literature teacher is Louis Vallez, the father of Jules Vallès. He completed a decent schooling17, obtaining a few honors each year (except in 4th grade), and only three prizes (classical recitation in 5th grade, natural history in rhetoric, Latin version in logic). During the presentation of this last prize, in 1858, the year of his father's arrest, he received a standing ovation from those present18. From 1883, Clemenceau was an active founding member of the Association of former students of the Nantes high school (Paris section), where he met Boulanger19, his fellow student in 1852-1853, but much older (preparatory class student at Saint -Cyr). His name will be given to the high school in 1919. He obtained the baccalaureate in letters in 1858. He then enrolled at the Nantes medical school. After three years during which he proved to be a mediocre and dissipated student, notably passing through disciplinary councils, he left in 1861 to continue his studies in Paris, where he also enrolled in law20. He frequented artistic and republican circles in the Latin Quarter where he met Claude Monet in 186321. With several comrades (Germain Casse, Jules Méline, Ferdinand Taule, Pierre Denis, Louis Andrieux9,22), he founded a weekly, Le Travail, whose first issue appeared on December 22, 1861. Zola joins the group to support the newspaper against censorship9. Clemenceau published barbs against the writer Edmond About, who had joined the regime9. Publication ended after eight issues9: most of the members were in fact arrested after a call to demonstrate at Place de la Bastille to commemorate the Revolution of February 24, 18489. On February 23, 1862, Clemenceau was sent to Mazas9 prison for 73 days. “When we have the honor of being alive, we express ourselves! »[ref. incomplete][When?]23. Released, he visited his friend Ferdinand Taule, imprisoned in Sainte-Pélagie9, where he met Auguste Blanqui, alias "the Enfermé", with whom he became friends and complicity, as well as Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, central figure in the defense of Dreyfus9. In 1896, he honored Blanqui by speaking of “this life of total disinterestedness […] [which] will only discourage the cowards from the great fight for justice and for truth24”. Georges Clemenceau around 1865 (Clemenceau museum). During his years of study, Clemenceau participated in the creation of several other journals and wrote numerous articles with his friend Albert Regnard. After completing internships at the psychiatric hospital of Bicêtre, then at La Pitié, he obtained his doctorate in medicine on May 13, 1865 with a thesis entitled On the generation of anatomical elements, under the direction of Charles Robin, a materialist friend of 'Auguste Comte9. His thesis takes up the ideas of Robin, who is an opponent of the Bonapartist Catholic Pasteur9. It was then published by Jean-Baptiste Baillière in exchange for Clemenceau's translation of Auguste Comte and Positivism by JS Mill9. Later, when Pasteur became famous, Clemenceau graciously admitted his error. Following a romantic disagreement with Hortense Kestner, the sister-in-law of his friend Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, on July 25, 1865, he embarked, first for England, where his father introduced him to Mill and Spencer9, then for the United States, which had barely emerged from the Civil War. He found a teaching position at a college for girls in Stamford (Connecticut) where he gave French and horse riding lessons. He also became a correspondent for the newspaper Le Temps9. Mary Clemenceau (by Ferdinand Roybet). Clemenceau then fell in love with one of his students, Mary Plummer (1848-1922), whom he married civilly on June 20, 18699 and with whom he then had three children: Madeleine (born June 2, 1870), Thérèze Juliette ( born June 18, 1872) and Michel William Benjamin (born November 24, 1873). His wife having an affair with his young secretary, the children's tutor, he had adultery established and sent her to Saint-Lazare prison for fifteen days for adultery (even though he himself had numerous feminine liaisons) and for this incarceration requested a divorce, which he obtained in 1891, before sending her back to the United States with a third-class ticket, having obtained that she lose custody of her children and French nationality[ref. desired]. Returning to live in France, but remaining psychologically disturbed by these marital events, the ex-Madame Georges Clemenceau died alone, on September 13, 1922, in her Parisian apartment at 208, rue de la Convention25. Clemenceau announces it thus to his brother Albert: “Your ex-sister-in-law has finished suffering. None of his children were there. A curtain to draw. » (letter of September 27, 1922 in his Correspondence 1858-1929, p. 639)26. From this American stay, he gained a Franco-English bilingualism rare at the time and a familiarity with Anglo-Saxon circles. Beginnings in the Republican camp Collapse of the Empire On June 26, 1869, he returned to France with his wife. His trip to the United States introduced him to American democracy – he admired the impeachment procedure9 – and left him with a lasting taste for Anglo-Saxon philosophy and literature9. The crowd in front of the Legislative Body on the morning of September 4, 1870 (Jacques Guiaud, Carnavalet museum). As soon as the Franco-Prussian War broke out, he left his wife and his newborn, Madeleine, to go to Paris, where he arrived at the beginning of August 187027. Following the defeat at Sedan on September 2, 1870, he took an active part, with his friends Arthur Ranc and Edmond Adam27, in the “Day of September 4” during which the Republic was proclaimed. Formed the same day, the Government of National Defense named Étienne Arago mayor of Paris, who himself appointed provisional mayors in the different districts. Arago, seeking reliable republicans27, appointed Clemenceau, – introduced to Arago by his father – at the head of the town hall of the 18th arrondissement. He then met the anarchist Louise Michel27, a local teacher, and allowed Blanqui to become commander of the 169th battalion of the Paris National Guard27, while the siege of Paris began on September 19, 1870. At the end of October, the Parisians revolted upon learning of the surrender in Metz of Marshal Bazaine and the sending by the conservative provisional government of Adolphe Thiers to Versailles, to negotiate the armistice with Bismarck. For the fiercely anti-monarchist republican that Clemenceau was, it was a provocation: he put up posters announcing his refusal of such “betrayal”. The same day, the National Guard of working-class neighborhoods organized an uprising to take City Hall. The National Guard of the bourgeois neighborhoods, led by Jules Ferry, opposed it and prevented the coup. This episode will make Clemenceau and Ferry bitter rivals27. Disowned for their complicity with the revolutionaries, Arago resigned, followed by Clemenceau27. The government obtained the confidence of Parisians through the plebiscite of November 3, and organized municipal elections on November 5. Clemenceau is elected in the 18th arrondissement. However, he was dismissed on January 22, 1871, the day of a demonstration at the Town Hall, for having demanded, with other district mayors brought together by Jules Favre, the resignation of General Trochu27. The armistice, refused by Clemenceau and the Parisian people, was signed six days later27. On February 8, having refused Gambetta's offer to become prefect of the Rhône27, he was elected deputy for the Seine (in 27th position) within the new National Assembly. He then appears on the electoral lists of the Republican Union, opposing the Leonine Peace with Bismarck, alongside Victor Hugo, Garibaldi, Gambetta, Courbet, Louis Blanc, etc.27. From the Commune to the Paris City Council Related article: Paris Commune. Georges Clemenceau photographed by Étienne Carjat (around 1871). At the beginning of Mars 1871, Clemenceau was in Paris. On Mars 1, 1871, he called on his fellow citizens to refrain from all violence when the Prussians entered the city27. During the uprising of Mars 18, 1871, accompanied by Captain Mayer and Sabourdy, he tried to save Generals Thomas and Lecomte27 from the crowd. In the evening, the Central Committee of the National Guard took power in Paris, and decided to organize municipal elections27. Two days later, at the Assembly meeting in Versailles, Clemenceau tabled, with 18 Republican deputies, a bill to organize the election of a municipal council of 80 members in Paris, "which will have the title and exercise the functions of mayor of Paris27”. He thus navigated between the government of Thiers and the Paris Commune, trying to reconcile the enemy camps, which attracted the enmity of both parties27. The Communards, whom he criticized for having gone beyond the law, made him resign from his position as mayor on March 22,27 replacing him with a delegate from the Central Committee27. The latter organized municipal elections on Mars 26, 1871, during which Clemenceau obtained only 752 votes out of 17,443 voters27. Georges Clemenceau by Nadar28. A minority, he resigned from his position as municipal councilor and deputy the day before the proclamation of the Commune27, and founded with former mayors the League of Republican Union for the Rights of Paris, which attempted to negotiate with the two camps29. He left Paris on May 10, 1871 to join the congress of municipalities in Bordeaux, banned by the Thiers government29. Faced with this failure, he tried to return to Paris, but could not enter the city, subject to the bloody attack of the Thiers government29. Suspected of collusion with the Commune, he went clandestinely to Vendée, then to Belfort and annexed Strasbourg29, before returning to Paris on June 15, 1871. Defeated in the complementary elections of July 2, 1871, he was elected municipal councilor of Paris on July 30, 1871, in Clignancourt. In 1872, he fought a duel with Poussargues, which earned him a 15-day suspended sentence and a 25-franc fine29. He was re-elected during the municipal elections of November 1874. On November 29, 1875, he was elected president of the Paris municipal council by 39 votes out of 54 votes29. He declares :     “The dominant character of our municipal policy […] is to be deeply imbued with the secular spirit, that is to say that, in accordance with the traditions of the French Revolution, we would like to separate the domain of the Law , to whom all owe obedience, from the domain of Dogma, which is accepted by only a fraction of citizens30. » Radical deputy for Seine then Var His election, on February 20, 1876, as deputy for Paris in the Chamber of Deputies marked his emergence on the national scene. He was elected in the 18th arrondissement in the first round with 15,000 votes against 3,700 for his rival31. Refusing both the institutions of the Presidency of the Republic and the Senate as well as the accumulation of mandates, he resigned from his position as president of the municipal council on April 24, 187632. Clemenceau establishes himself through his words as the undisputed leader of the radical republicans (who have not yet formed a party) and of the far-left opposition to the Opportunists, led by Gambetta. The writer Julien Gracq speaks a posteriori of his “pure, gratuitous, incongruous aggressiveness”, of this “personality with razor-sharp edges33”. He then fought for the amnesty of the “Communards34”, the revision of the constitutional laws of 1875 written by the opportunist republicans and the Orleanists, secularism and, 30 years before the law of 1905, the separation of Churches and State. Fight for amnesty From his speech on May 16, 1876 in the House, he stood out for his eloquence, which he put to the service of amnesty35. Raspail, Lockroy and him, as well as Victor Hugo in the Senate, united in this fight35, but they were in the minority against the opportunists, who, behind Gambetta and Jules Méline, supported a partial amnesty34. They relaunched the fight for amnesty three years later34. To the Waddington government which wants to exclude from it those who “declare themselves the enemies of society”, Clemenceau retorts, provoking laughter from the Chamber:     “By what sign, by what criterion, do we recognize an enemy of society: Mr. the Duke de Broglie is an enemy of society in the eyes of Mr. Baudry d’Asson, and I hold Mr. Baudry d’Asson to be an enemy of society. We are thus 36 million enemies of society who are condemned to live in the same society (New laughter)36. » The project was, however, rejected. He then supported, with a few friends, and incognito, the candidacy for deputy of Blanqui, detained at the Clairvaux central prison34. He was elected on April 20, 1879; his situation of ineligibility allowed Clemenceau to relaunch the battle for amnesty34. In 1880, the resignation of Marshal Mac-Mahon, the final episode of the crisis of May 16, 1877 (where he was one of the signatories of the manifesto of 36337), his replacement by Jules Grévy, and the result of the senatorial elections finally allowed Clemenceau to achieve his ends: full and complete amnesty is voted N 2. Break with Gambetta and Marseille speech Georges Clemenceau photographed by Étienne Carjat, circa 1879. After the Republicans split between radicals and “opportunists”, Clemenceau fiercely attacked the latter for their timidity and pragmatism. He thus contributed to the resignation of the Minister of the Interior Marcère in Mars 1879, caused by a police scandal: on this occasion, which marked the break with Gambetta, Clemenceau called for the purge of police officers inherited from the Second Empire38. His Marseille speech of October 28, 1880, which takes up Gambetta's Belleville program (1869)39, thus blames opportunism which aims to “postpone” reforms within the framework of the “victorious Republic of monarchists40”. He calls for the separation of Churches and State, the confiscation of the property of congregations, the abolition of the Senate, the election of magistrates, municipal autonomy, income tax, limitation of the legal duration of the working day, the retirement of old workers, the liability of employers in the event of an accident, the restoration of divorce and the recognition of the right to organize39, as well as the ban on work for children under 14, the liquidation major railway companies, canals and mines41. During an arrest of the young socialist Alexandre Allez, he nevertheless criticized “collectivism” and the socialization of the means of production. During this speech, delivered on April 11, 1880 at the Fernando circus in Paris, he retorted to Allez: “there are also red Jesuits42”. The centrist daily Le Temps notes: “However advanced we may be, we always find ourselves being someone's reactionary42. » Although still sitting on the far left, he thus embodies a middle path between emerging socialism and opportunism. During the debates on the law on freedom of the press of July 29, 1881, he tried to oppose the institution of an offense of contempt of the President of the Republic, which he considered to be a form of censorship43. Likewise, in February 1881 he mocked the offense of defamationN 3.43. It also attempts to authorize non-permanent assemblies during debates on freedom of assembly, while the bill maintains the ban on political clubs44. Concerning the Jules Ferry laws, he radically opposed a law on compulsory education which would not include the secular character of public education, considering compulsory education in religious schools as contrary to freedom of conscience44. During this mandate45, he voted for legal proceedings against those responsible for May 16 (Mac Mahon, etc.); for the revision of the constitutional laws of 1875 proposed by the Barodet commission; for the election of magistrates; for the separation of Church and State; for the amnesty of the Communards; for secular education; for military service reduced to 3 years; for the end of the exemption from military service for seminarians; for the reduction in the salaries of cardinals, archbishops and bishops; for the abolition of the embassy in the Vatican; for divorce recovery; for freedom of association and freedom of assembly; against the ban on clubs; for freedom of the press; for the law aimed at protecting railway employees against big companies; for a day of 10 hours maximum; for the recognition of unions; for the list vote; for the proceedings against the prefect of police Andrieux. To further establish his influence, he founded a newspaper with the young Stephen Pichon, La Justice, which appeared for the first time on January 13, 1880. The editor-in-chief is Camille Pelletan. Despite a relatively low circulation and a lasting economic failure, the daily enjoys a certain audience in political circles. Debates with Jules Ferry on colonialism Circle-icons-scissors.svg This section is too long. It could benefit from being shortened or divided into several subsections. It is also possible that its length creates an imbalance in the article, to the point of compromising its neutrality by giving one aspect of the subject disproportionate importance. Re-elected in the legislative elections of 1881, both in the two constituencies of the 18th arrondissement where he ran and in Arles, where local republicans asked him to run46, Clemenceau acquired the nickname “Tiger”47 for his ferocity, an animal he said he didn't like ("All jaws and little brains. That doesn't sound like me”48), and a reputation as a “ministry buster” thanks in particular to his talents as an orator feared for his irony and verbal ferocity49. Intransigent in the face of opportunists, he in fact brought down several successive ministries, with the help of right-wing votes. “However, I have only ever demolished one ministry,” he said in his defense, “since it was always the same50. » During the Salerno speech in 1893, he declared:     “What is not said is that the moderates have, throughout everything, under various names, maintained the same men and the same policy of procrastination. What is not said is that, meeting a radical cabinet, the moderates did not hesitate to unite with the right to overthrow it. Thus one of their main grievances against us is turned against them. » From November 1881, he attacked the Ferry cabinet regarding the Tunisian expedition which led to the establishment of a protectorate (Bardo treaty), considering that it only resulted from the action of men "who wanted do business and make money on the stock market51! » He tabled a motion proposing an investigation into the causes of the expedition, the right tabling a rival motion accusing the government “of having deceived the Chambers and the country51”. Unable to get the agenda voted on, Ferry resigned and gave way to the Gambetta government. Two months later, in January 1882, Clemenceau's action in favor of the complete revision of the Constitution contributed to the resignation of the Gambetta ministry, replaced by the Freycinet cabinet. By inciting the deputies to refuse the vote of a budget for a military intervention on the Suez Canal, which was done on July 29, 1882, he also pushed Freycinet to resign. Jules Ferry, Georges Clemenceau and Henri Brisson in the Chamber of Deputies (satirical cartoon on the Franco-Chinese war, Le Triboulet, December 23, 1883). In February 1883, Jules Ferry formed his second cabinet, supported by a centrist coalition (Republican Union and Republican Left). Clemenceau and the radicals had already opposed Ferry when he was at the Ministry of Public Instruction (1879-80 and 1882), accusing him of timidity in implementing republican reforms. The workers' and socialist movement began to organize, contesting the "old school" radicalism of Clemenceau: in 1882, Jules Guesde founded the French Workers' Party, while the anarchists manifested themselves, not only through "propaganda by deed", denounced in 1887 by Kropotkin, but especially with the establishment of labor exchanges. Jules Ferry “showered” by Clemenceau (caricature by Charles Gilbert-Martin, Le Don Quixote, February 2, 1884). During the debates on the authorization of unions (Waldeck-Rousseau law passed in Mars 1884), Clemenceau retorted to Ferry, in January 1884:     “It is the State which must intervene directly to resolve the problem of poverty, otherwise social war will break out on the first day52. » During the summer of 1884, while the constitutional revision was being debated, Clemenceau advocated the abolition of the Senate and the abolition of the Presidency of the Republic52. It failed, the law of December 9, 1884 being limited to a simple reform of the Senate. The same year, he went with a radical delegation to Marseille during the cholera epidemic, meeting the team of the newspaper Le Petit Var53. His fight against Jules Ferry resulted on Mars 30, 1885 in the latter's resignation over the Tonkin affair. The Chamber, in particular the right and the far left, refuses to vote for an additional 200 million francs for the French troops in Tonkin attacked by the Chinese army. On June 9, 1885, the second treaty of Tien-Tsin, however, confirmed the French occupation. The initial success of French colonization in the following decades led many historians and members of the “colonial party” to criticize Clemenceau for his “blindness”. Decolonization54 would not be on the agenda until 70 years later. The debate with Ferry rebounded the following month under the Brisson cabinet, while Ferry defended the Madagascar expedition. Once again, Clemenceau fiercely opposed colonization, refusing all imperialism in the name of respect for other peoples and civilizations55; he is also opposed to an “adventurist policy” and a “fait accompli”, made for the benefit of a camarilla of businessmen55, the famous “colonial party”; finally, he defends the need to prepare France against Germany55. On July 28, 1885, Ferry invoked in the House the "duty" that the "superior races" have to "civilize the inferior races", relying on a type of speech then fashionable56,55, as well as the need to find commercial outlets and not leave the field open to other European powers57. Clemenceau responded vigorously58,59:     “The superior races have a right over the inferior races which they exercise and this right, through a particular transformation, is at the same time a duty of civilization. This, in its own words, is Mr. Ferry's thesis and we see the French government exercising its right over the inferior races by going to war against them and converting them by force to the benefits of civilization. Superior races! Inferior races! It's soon said. For my part, I have been particularly disappointed since I saw German scientists scientifically demonstrate that France had to be defeated in the Franco-German war, because the French are of an inferior race to the German. Since that time, I admit, I think twice before turning towards a man and towards a civilization and pronouncing: man or inferior civilization!     Inferior race, the Hindus! With this great, refined civilization that is lost in the mists of time! With this great Buddhist religion which left India for China, with this great efflorescence of art of which we still see the magnificent vestiges today! Inferior race, the Chinese! With this civilization whose origins are unknown and which seems to have been pushed first of all to its extreme limits. Inferior Confucius!     I do not want to judge the merits of the thesis which has been put forward here and which is nothing other than the proclamation of the power of force over Law. The history of France since the Revolution is a living protest against this iniquitous pretension. It is the very genius of the French race to have generalized the theory of law and justice, to have understood that the problem of civilization was to eliminate violence from the relationships between men in the same society. and to tend to eliminate violence, for a future that we do not know, from the relationships of nations with each other. You tell us: “See, when Europeans found themselves in contact with nations that you call barbaric – and that I find very civilized – was there not a great development of morality, of social virtue? ? » Are you sure? Look at the history of the conquest of these peoples that you call barbarians and you will see the violence, all the crimes unleashed, the oppression, the blood flowing in torrents, the weak oppressed, tyrannized by the victor! This is the history of your civilization! Take it where you want and when you want, and you will see how many atrocious, appalling crimes have been committed in the name of justice and civilization. I say nothing about the vices that the European brings with him: the alcohol, the opium that he spreads, that he imposes if he pleases. And is it a similar system that you are trying to justify in France in the homeland of human rights?     […] I do not understand why we were not unanimous here in jumping up to violently protest against your words. No, there is no right of so-called superior nations against inferior nations. There is the struggle for life which is a fatal necessity, which as we rise in civilization we must contain within the limits of justice and right. But let's not try to label violence with the hypocritical name of civilization. Let's not talk about rights or duties. The conquest that you advocate is the pure and simple abuse of the force that scientific civilization gives to rudimentary civilizations to appropriate man, to torture him, to extract all the force that is in him for the benefit of so-called civilizer. It is not the right, it is the negation of it. To speak of civilization in this regard is to add hypocrisy to violence.” On July 30, 1885 in the Chamber, he once again responded to the policy defended by Jules Ferry:     “While you are lost in your colonial dream, there are men at your feet, French people, who are asking for useful expenses, fruitful for the development of French genius and who will help you by increasing production, by doing it more cheaply. , to find these famous outlets that you close with your warlike expeditions! [Alright ! Alright ! Applause from various benches]. There is the political question. Nothing was said about it, it was forgotten, it disappeared from Mr. Jules Ferry's concerns. But it remains, you are facing a country where the most serious problems for a nation arise, namely how you can organize a regular government based on the principle of Liberty. For a hundred years all our governments have failed against the Revolution. Will we succeed in organizing and regulating peaceful development for the great benefit of all?     When a statesman even dares to look such a work in the face, when he finds nothing to advise a nation except to go to war in the four corners of the world, if he does not understand that the first condition of progress that he wants to serve is peace, if he formulates a doctrine of war, he is perhaps a great man in the vulgar sense of the word, he is not a democrat60! » Later, relying on the example of Cochinchina, Clemenceau contested (joining in this the position of Thiers and the right of that time) the economic profit that colonization would bring55 (“to remake a defeated France, do not waste one's blood and gold on profitless expeditions," he proclaimed during the Salerno speech of 1893). Rather than spreading “French civilization” throughout the world, he advocated fighting against poverty in France and advancing social rights55. Boulangist wave Related article: Boulangism. Georges Clemenceau giving a speech in an electoral meeting, oil on canvas by Jean-François Raffaëlli, Musée d'Orsay, circa 1885. Backdrop of Boulangism, French nationalism and the desire for revenge on Prussia. Here, national holiday on rue Montorgueil, by Claude Monet, friend of Clemenceau, in 1878. The elections of October 1885 marked significant progress for the monarchists as the Great Depression (1873-1896) fell on France. Clemenceau, put on a ballot, was elected both in Paris61,62 and in Var where the moderate Jules Roche withdrew out of republican discipline, allowing the radical list to win61. Clemenceau opts for Var (constituency of Draguignan), a department whose population is voting more and more to the left. In the majority, the left is however divided between the moderates of the Republican Union and the Democratic Union and the extreme left, including the Radical Left, of which Clemenceau is a member. In 1886, General Boulanger, a former classmate of Clemenceau at the Nantes high school63, was appointed Minister of War in the Freycinet cabinet, which was considered a gesture by the moderates towards Clemenceau63. Indeed, Boulanger, republican and patriot, applied extensively the law of June 22, 1886 prohibiting members of the families who had reigned over France from serving in the army. Opposed to colonialism, which he considered as a diversion of military effort vis-à-vis Bismarck, and preparing the professionalization of the army, he then pleased Clemenceau, who nevertheless remained circumspect63. During the Schnæbelé affair (1887), Boulanger consulted Clemenceau, who advised him to act with firmness without falling into the provocation launched by Bismarck63. It was the beginning of the Boulangist wave which almost swept away the Republic. Supported by a heterogeneous coalition of far-left radicals (L'Intransigeant de Rochefort and La Lanterne de Mayer) and monarchists, Boulanger, dismissed from his position as minister following the fall of the Goblet cabinet caused by Ferry , then dismissed from his military duties in Mars 1888, successively presented himself in several by-elections, being elected then resigning to be elected elsewhere, in order to demonstrate his popularity. He criticizes parliamentarism and calls for an institutional reform which would give a large place to the referendum and to what he calls “direct democracy” (proposed law of June 4, 1888). Skeptics, on the contrary, denounce a risk of authoritarianism. At the end of 1887, the decorations scandal was used by the Boulangists to discredit the parliamentary regime: President Jules Grévy was forced to resign in December 1887. The Republicans, led by Jules Ferry, are worried about this anti-parliamentary wave. Ferry was the subject of popular anger during a demonstration on December 1 and 2, 1887, attended by members of the League of Patriots of Déroulède, those close to Rochefort, anarchists, including Louise Michel, and Blanquists from the Comité revolutionary center, etc., who opposed the election to the presidency of Ferry63. It was ultimately Sadi Carnot who was elected. For his part, Clemenceau seemed to rely at the beginning on the Boulangist wave to push his own projects of institutional reform (abolition of the Senate and the presidency)63, with caution since in July 1887, he criticized the demonstration in favor of Boulanger which took place on 1463. In Mars 1888, while opposing the Boulangists, he refused to vote on the agenda requested by the Tirard cabinet, composed of Opportunists. He indeed demands social reforms, and not just political ones: according to him, it is their absence which explains the general's success. He therefore votes like the Boulangist deputies (Laguerre, former colleague of La Justice, or Michelin). The agenda was nevertheless passed by 339 votes, against 8,263. According to historian Michel Winock:     “Basically, Clemenceau, in mid-March 1888, used the Boulangist fever, without being a Boulangist himself, to goad the Republican Party, its men in power and the parliamentarians64. » In April, he opposed Boulanger head-on, accusing him of Caesarism and Bonapartism, in short of representing a danger for the Republic. On May 25, 1888, with Joffrin, Ranc and Lissagaray, he founded the Society for the Rights of Man and Citizen, uniting against the Boulangist wave various republican tendencies, with the exception of unconditional supporters of Ferry, as well as certain "possibilists » (Joffrin). When on June 4, 1888, Boulanger presented his institutional reform project to the Chamber, Clemenceau opposed it, declaring: “I say it very loudly: I am for party politics […] He [Boulanger] apparently ignores, he who tries to form a party, that it is first and foremost a grouping of ideas, that this is what, in all the countries of the world, constitutes a party […] Read the history of France since the French Revolution, and you will see that the royalist party, that Bonapartism itself, and in any case the Republican party, each have their traditions and their titles which they can claim. You believe that they can disappear at your voice […] If they wanted to, they could not, and I will be allowed to say that the royalist party must have little pride in their hearts to adhere to the declaration that we heard earlier [...] these five hundred men who are here, by virtue of a mandate equal to yours, do not agree without discussion. Well, since it must be said, these discussions which surprise you are to the honor of all of us. Above all, they prove our ardor in defending the ideas that we believe to be fair and fruitful. These discussions have their drawbacks, silence has more. […] If it is the regime of discussion that you think you are branding under the name of parliamentarism, know this, it is the representative regime itself, it is the Republic on which you dare to lay your hands on65. » “The Revolution is a bloc” The “Fourmies massacre” on the front page of L’Intransigeant on May 14, 1891. In the general elections of September-October 1889, the Republican camp united against the Boulangist threat and the right. Clemenceau presents himself again in Draguignan. In the first round, he obtained 7,500 votes out of 15,400 votes cast, against the baker Achille Ballière, formerly deported from New Caledonia, and the radical Louis Martin (3,500 votes). By republican discipline, Martin withdrew and Ballière, a good loser, withdrew, allowing the re-election of Clemenceau on October 6, 1889 (9,500 votes out of 10,200 votes cast, abstention having increased in the second round). On January 29, 1891, on the occasion of a government inquiry regarding the banning of Victorien Sardou's play Thermidor, Georges Clemenceau asserted, in a speech that remains famous, that "the Revolution is a bloc66" . During the shooting at Fourmies on May 1, 1891, he evoked a “Fourth Estate” regarding the workers, and succeeded in having an amnesty voted for the arrested demonstrators67. With Millerand and Pelletan, he proposed, without success, a similar measure, following the Carmaux miners' strike of 1892. Panama scandal Duel between Georges Clemenceau and Paul Déroulède (Le Petit Journal, January 7, 1893). In 1892, Clemenceau was implicated in the Panama affair. The first attack came from Gaston Calmette who, on December 12, 1892, wrote an article under a pseudonym in Le Figaro, in which he highlighted a meeting, the day before the death of Jacques de Reinach, with Clemenceau, Maurice Rouvier and Cornelius Herz . Rouvier had in fact asked Clemenceau to be his witness for this meeting68. He is then accused by the Boulangists (Maurice Barrès), the anti-Semites (notably La Libre Parole), Ernest Judet, owner of the influential Petit Journal, whose attacks are doubtful (see below the caricature of “not the partner” of August 19, 1893), of having associated with Cornelius Herz, of Jewish origin, who bought the votes of certain deputies and had previously invested in La Justice. A lawsuit was brought against Clemenceau, false evidence was produced but he was cleared. However, his reputation is tarnished and the revenge of his many adversaries is underway. The nationalist Paul Déroulède accused him of corruption in the Chamber on December 20, 1892, and publicly challenged him to a duel. Stephen Pichon is the only one to stand up to proclaim his solidarity and to leave the hemicycle with him. On December 22, 1892, none of the six bullets fired by each of the opponents hit the mark. The witnesses are Barrès and Léon Dumonteil for Déroulède, Gaston Thomson and Paul Ménard-Dorian for Clemenceau69. The journalist Édouard Ducret goes so far as to use a forgery to accuse Clemenceau of intelligence with the enemy, in this case the United Kingdom, with the relay of Lucien Millevoye. The latter, who accuses not only the radical deputy, but also Rochefort, is ridiculed in the House. Ducret and his accomplice, the crook Louis-Alfred Véron alias “Norton”, are convicted of forgery and use of forgery. Hostile campaign of 1893 “The step of the general partner”: Clemenceau caricatured by Henri Meyer (Le Petit Journal, August 19, 1893). During the electoral campaign for the legislative elections of August-September 1893, the opposition extensively used the rhetoric of the man sold to foreign powers, of the crook, of the upstart... He was subjected to a particularly hateful campaign, exceeding far away the department of Var. His enemies, left and right, even formed an Anti-Clemencist League, and on August 5 Engelfred created a new newspaper, L'Anti-Clemenciste70. The national and regional press is not to be outdone: Fortuné Rouvier's Petit Dracénois turns against him while other periodicals continue their campaign against him: La Cocarde, Le Figaro, Le Petit Marseillais, La Croix, etc. Le Petit Journal, a journalistic strike force with a circulation of a million copies70, published on its front page “Le pas du commandeté”, a satirical portrait of Clemenceau on the stage of the Opera (allusion to the singer Rose Caron, his mistress) dancing with ballerinas while juggling bags full of pounds sterling, “to the sound of an orchestra conducted by an Englishman with favorites”71 and with a hooked nose, anti-Semitic caricature by Cornelius Herz 72,73. The Marquis de Morès, founder with Drumont of the Anti-Semitic League, presented himself against Clemenceau and accused him of being an “agent of England70”. Opposite, Clemenceau is morally supported by Rochefort, Jaurès or the miners of Carmaux70. On August 8, 1893, in his speech in Salerno, he denounced “the pack” launched against him and asked: “Where are the millions? » On August 20, 1893, in the first round, he obtained 6,634 votes: he was the best placed of the ten candidates, but in a tie; on September 3, he was defeated, obtaining 8,610 votes against 9,503 for lawyer Joseph Jourdan, supported by a heterogeneous coalition of left and right70. From the Dreyfus Affair to the Senate Writing and social question Engraved portrait of Georges Clemenceau published in L'Illustration on September 2, 1893. This electoral failure forced Clemenceau to step back. He relies on his writing talents as well as his notoriety to cope with his financial difficulties; he in fact had debts for La Justice, where he replaced Pelletan as editor-in-chief from October 1893. A new duel - he had 12 in total74, considering these as the mark of the achievement of individual freedom guaranteed by the Republic75 - pitted him against Paul Deschanel, who implicated him again, without proof, in the Panama affair, July 27, 1894. Deschanel is slightly injured. Clemenceau took advantage of this respite to write in La Justice a series of articles, collected in 1895 in La Mêlée sociale, with a preface which describes a process of civilization rigorously opposite to that advocated by social Darwinism; the young Maurras, who had not yet become a royalist, described it as having “tumultuous beauty76”. He denounced the Méline tariffs of 1892 which protected wheat farmers, but not, according to him, small landowners or urban populations, subject to rising prices77. He continues to call for social reform, emphasizing poverty through news items; he takes up, with regard to unemployment, Marx's phrase on “the reserve army of labor77”. He criticizes the repression of strikes, praises Louise Michel, and criticizes the evolution of Christianity, which, from an “insurrection of the poor”, has become a “union of the rich77”. He speaks out against propaganda by anarchists, recalling a “terrible story of blood, torture and stakes, compared to which Vaillant's bomb is a children's joke77!” » He compares the psychology of the latter to that of Robespierre who wanted to “bring the reign of virtue to earth77”. Like Jaurès, he also opposed the death penalty, describing in detail the execution of Émile Henry: “I feel within myself the inexpressible disgust of this administrative killing, carried out without conviction by decent civil servants. […] Henry's crime is savage. The company's act appears to me to be a base revenge77. » He opposed the villainous laws (1894), defending the censored work of the anarchist Jean Grave, The Dying Society and the Anarchy77. He attacks the economic liberalism defended by Léon Say, Yves Guyot and Leroy-Beaulieu77: “What is your laissez-faire, your law of supply and demand, if not the pure and simple expression of strength ? Right takes precedence over force: this is the principle of civilization. As soon as we noted your law, at work against its barbarity77. » Against liberal individualism and non-intervention of the State on the one hand, against collectivism on the other, he advocated social reforms and taxes on income and property77. He nevertheless outlines a possibility of agreement with Jaurès, affirming that his program is, in fact, only “the resumption of the radical-socialist program defended by La Justice for fourteen years77”. Furthermore, from August 1894 to 1902, he wrote in La Dépêche de Toulouse, controlled by Maurice Sarraut, first literary chronicles, then political articles78. He also collaborated with the Journal (from 1895 to 1897), at L'Écho de Paris (1897), and became an editorialist at L'Aurore and the weekly Le Bloc78. He published collections of articles: Le Grand Pan (1896), in which he defended paganism preceding Judeo-Christianity; Over the Days (1900) and The Ambushes of Life (1903). He even tried his hand at a novel, with Les Plus Forts (1898). His literary essays, which achieved little popular success, were mocked by Maurice Barrès, Charles Maurras being more lenient. On the other hand, Léon Blum is complimentary for Le Grand Pan as well as for his novel78. He also wrote a one-act play, The Veil of Happiness, performed for the first time on November 4, 1901 at the Théâtre de la Renaissance (Théâtre Gémier), with incidental music by Gabiel Fauré, but without great success[ref . necessary]. However, the play was adapted into a film, directed by Albert Capellani and released in 1910; Clemenceau is credited as screenwriter. Defender of Captain Dreyfus " I accuse… ! » on the front page of L'Aurore on January 13, 1898. The Dreyfus affair allowed Clemenceau to return to the forefront. Having joined L'Aurore as editor in October 1897,79 he was not initially convinced of the innocence of Captain Dreyfus, condemned to prison in 1894. Approached by Mathieu Dreyfus, by Lucien Herr, the librarian of the École normale supérieure, and by his friend Arthur Ranc, he gradually entered the Affaire80. Ranc sent him to his old friend, from whom he had become estranged, Auguste Scheurer-Kestner, vice-president of the Senate, who learned through Me Leblois of the testimony of Lieutenant-Colonel Picquart exonerating Dreyfus and accusing Esterhazy80. Without commenting on Dreyfus's innocence, Clemenceau was indignant at the refusal to transmit the documents in the case to the defense lawyer, and demanded a review of the trial on this basis80. Far from considering that this dishonors the army, he is on the contrary surprised that the army could not be subject to justice; he also begins to become aware of the role of anti-Semitism80. It was Esterhazy's acquittal on January 11, 1898, which triggered the crisis; on January 13, Zola published “J’accuse…!” », whose title was found by Clemenceau80 Georges Clemenceau dedicates Iniquity to him as follows: “To Zola, for having followed him into battle”. The same year, he published a work on the customs of the Jewish community of Galicia, At the Foot of Sinai, which, despite the clichés ("hooked noses", "masters of the world", "filthy Jew"), ends with a conciliatory note81. He then pleads, alongside his brother Albert, a lawyer, in the lawsuit brought against Zola and the newspaper. On January 23, 1898, he launched the neologism intellectual: “Isn't it a sign, all these intellectuals, coming from all corners of the horizon, who group around an idea and stick to it unshakeably80? » Provoked by Édouard Drumont, he challenged him to a duel on February 26, 1898. The duel was provoked by an article including the following mentions:     “I am too modest, sir, to claim that my military services equal those of so many generals and so many elite officers that Zola drags through the mud to the applause of your gang. They give me the right, however, to express my contempt for the man who only realized there was a French army when he felt the need to spit on it. […] Vomited by your voters and become a journalist again, you defended the traitor Dreyfus. You are a wretch, obviously, but in your genre, you at least have the merit of being complete. » — Édouard Drumont Clemenceau, a recognized shooter who knew he was opposed to a short-sighted man, chose the pistol as the weapon of the duel. However, none of the three bullets fired by each of the two adversaries, located twenty steps away from each other, will reach their target80. Absorbed by the Affair, he declined the offer made to him to run in the Var for the legislative elections of May 189880. Dreyfus is innocent: defenders of law, justice and truth. Clemenceau appears among the captain's defenders on this Dreyfusard poster (1899). Anti-Dreyfusard caricature of Clemenceau as a horrible hyena-man (V. Lenepveu Museum of Horrors, 1899)82,83. Since December 1897, he has published tirelessly: nearly 700 Dreyfusard articles84 published between 1899 and 1903 are brought together in seven volumes (L'Iniquité, La Honte, etc.), articles which are popular successes, allowing the "Tiger" to repay most of its debts. Despite the reluctance of his director Arthur Huc, he also wrote in La Dépêche. It was after the public reading of the evidence alleged against Dreyfus, by the Minister of War Godefroy Cavaignac, on July 7, 1898, that he acquired the intimate conviction of the captain's innocence, without however changing his line of defense80. Bedridden by bronchitis contracted at the spa resort of Carlsbad, he was unable to attend the review trial in August-September 1899 in Rennes, opened shortly after the formation of the Republican Defense government of Waldeck-Rousseau. He then recommends attacking the soldiers head-on, advice not followed by Me Demange. In September 1899, when Dreyfus was again condemned for treason, but with extenuating circumstances - a judgment whose inconsistency Clemenceau mocked - Waldeck-Rousseau sent Minister Millerand to suggest that the Dreyfus team agree to request a presidential pardon. . Unlike Jaurès, Clemenceau was opposed to it, preferring justice and the legal recognition of Dreyfus's innocence rather than an act of clemency: in a letter to Me Labori, he had underlined: "Dreyfus is only here a symbolic protagonist. We must save everything that beleaguered innocence represents85. » However, questioned by Mathieu Dreyfus, who refused to ask for pardon without the unanimity of the Dreyfus team, he left him free86. President Loubet signed the decree of pardon on September 19, 1899. Five days later, Clemenceau reiterated his convictions:     " Oh! I am aware that we are going to pursue the rehabilitation of Dreyfus before the Court of Cassation. […] But above Dreyfus — I said it from the first day — there is France, in whose interest we first pursued reparation for the judicial crime. France to whom the convictions of 1894 and 1899 did more harm than to Dreyfus himself87. » Dreyfus was rehabilitated on July 12, 1906 by an appeal to the Supreme Court; thus, as recommended by the defense lawyer Me Henri Mornard, the Rennes war council was canceled without referral: "expected in the final analysis that nothing of the accusation brought against Dreyfus remains standing88"; he was decorated the same day by General Gillain. Georges Clemenceau opposed the amnesty law of December 14, 1900, which concerned General Mercier as well as Picquart and Zola89. In December 189990,91, Clemenceau left L'Aurore, outraged by an article by Urbain Gohier who boasted of having single-handedly defended Dreyfus79. He then created a new weekly, Le Bloc, which he wrote almost in its entirety79. He once again attacks colonialism, focusing in particular on the case of Indochina, and criticizing missionaries in the process. This newspaper appeared until Mars 15, 1902. Fight against clericalism and colonialism in the Senate Clemenceau photographed by Henri Manuel (1904). After ten years of absence, his return to parliamentary life is based on his many friendships, but also on the results of his agitation campaigns in favor of Alfred Dreyfus. When a permanent senator's position became available, which caused a by-election in the Var, many people encouraged her to apply and declared themselves ready to support her. Reluctant at first, Clemenceau finally allowed himself to be convinced by his publisher, Stock, and especially the Var delegation led by the mayor of Draguignan92. Another reason is that General Mercier, a bitter enemy during the Dreyfus affair, was elected senator. The Tiger's decision is welcomed by Jaurès93. Although Clemenceau had previously affirmed his radicalism and his socialism92, he remained away from the new Radical-Socialist Party, created in 1901, which did not prevent him from being supported in the Var by the radicals on the one hand , independent republicans on the other hand94. On April 6, 1902, the radical hostile to bicameralism, who denounced the Senate as an anti-republican institution twenty years earlier, was elected with 344 votes out of 474 voters, against 122 for his rival, a radical-socialist general councilor94. The legislative elections of April-May 1902 saw the victory of the Left Bloc and the formation of the Émile Combes cabinet. After the clerical and militarist reaction provoked by the Dreyfus Affair, the Republican agenda is none other than the separation of Churches and State, called for by the Tiger for decades. However, at the start of the school year, his speech of October 30, 1902 astonished the assembly. Constituting according to the historian Michel Winock "one of the bases of republican philosophy in matters of secularism and education95", this speech fiercely criticizes "Roman politics" and "Roman government", distinguished from the "Roman Catholic religion", these two components forming the “Roman Church”. While the 1901 law on associations only targeted unauthorized religious congregations, he attacked Catholic “theocracy” and demanded the “pure and simple suppression in the name of freedom” of “religious congregations”, “legislatively” suppressed since 1790: “Removed from the world, monks are spread all over the world. The congregation has its roots in all areas of the State, in all families. And with all its power, it surrounds for our misfortune this modern society, this progress, this liberalism that the Syllabus condemned96. » However, he defends "freedom of education", contesting, against Ferdinand Buisson (whom he cites) and the Republican left, the interest for the State in the monopoly of education: "the State , instead of remaining stuck in a monopoly, will receive from its competitors the impetus necessary for its own development as an educator97. » Le Temps was alarmed by this revival of Jacobinism while Péguy, not yet converted, published this speech in the Cahiers de la quinzaine, with the title: “Discourse for freedom98”. He ultimately participated in the fall of the Combes cabinet, both because of the files affair and the non-denunciation of the Concordat which should, according to him, have been the culmination of the crisis caused by President Loubet's trip. in Rome99. In April 1905, during the debates on the law of separation of Church and State, Clemenceau went on the attack again, this time against Aristide Briand and Jean Jaurès; he opposes their reluctance regarding article 4, which concerns the devolution of ecclesiastical property to religious associations100. While the Catholic Albert de Mun welcomes "this great blow given to the law", Clemenceau calls Briand a "papal socialist" and accuses the new wording of the article of "[putting] religious society in the hands of the 'bishop, in the hands of the pope'; “Wanting to break the Concordat, the Chamber of Deputies remained in the spirit of the Concordat […] instead of understanding that its first duty would be to ensure the freedom of all the faithful, without exception100. ". Despite this, he passed the law. On September 30, 1906, the separation of Church and State constituted the second theme of his speech at La Roche-sur-Yon. No more than on anticlericalism, reinvigorated by the Affair, Clemenceau does not give up anything on colonialism. In L'Aurore of June 13, 1904, he criticized French domination over Morocco, and mocked, on April 2, 1905, at the time of the Tangier crisis, the policy of the irremovable Minister of Foreign Affairs, Théophile Delcassé:     “Republican politicians, finding it easier to win victories over the disarmed populations of Africa and Asia than to devote themselves to the immense labor of French reformation, sent our armies to distant glories, to erase Metz and Sedan, too close. A terrible expenditure of men and money, in a nation bled dry, where the birth rate was falling. […] Having left France in the illusion that on condition of turning our backs on the Vosges, the world would open to us, we meet the man on the other side of the Vosges in front of us in Tangier101. » The desire to protect the country is never far away: “To be or not to be, that is the problem, which is posed to us for the first time since the Hundred Years' War, by an implacable desire for supremacy. » (L’Aurore, June 18, 1905100). He moved away from Jaurès, who joined the SFIO100 alongside Jules Guesde, and criticized the internationalism of Gustave Hervé in “For the Fatherland” (May 12, 1905):     "they would perhaps understand that human nature is at the root of all social facts, good or bad, and that the suppression of the homeland would not destroy the universal foundation of human egoism, only changing the form of manifestations of violence inherent to man, alone or in association100. » Controversial figure in the executive power “First cop in France” Louis Lépine, police prefect, and Georges Clemenceau, in 1908. In Mars 1906, after the victory of the radicals in the legislative elections, Ferdinand Sarrien was called upon to form the cabinet. Clemenceau quips: “That, nothing? A whole program102! » But Briand, who still had to negotiate the inventories of the Church, preferred to have it with him rather than against him and subordinated his participation to that of Clemenceau102: the latter thus obtained the Interior, while France was experiencing a wave of major strikes, sometimes quasi-insurrectional (the CGT ratified its revolutionary syndicalist orientation with the Charter of Amiens, while the SFIO is on a revolutionary and anti-bourgeois reformist position, despite Jaurès' hesitations). “I am the first of the cops,” he said then103,104. Place Beauvau, Clemenceau calmed things down on the question of inventories: on Mars 20, 1906, when only 5,000 sanctuaries out of 68,000 remained to be inventoried, he declared to the Chamber: "We find that the question of whether counting or not counting candlesticks in a church is not worth a human life102. » Faced with the strike following the Courrières disaster (more than 1,000 deaths), he refused to send, as is customary, the troops preventively, that is to say as soon as the strike declared, but went to Lens on Mars 17, and assured the strikers that their right to strike would be respected, without sending troops, as long as no person or property was threatened102. As the strikers became heated, he decided to send a troop of 20,000 soldiers on Mars 20; Time ( Mars This decision marks the beginning of the divorce between Clemenceau and the socialist, revolutionary and trade unionist left105. The strike spread, reaching Paris: L'Écho de Paris headlined “Towards the revolution”. As May 1, 1906 approached, Clemenceau warned Victor Griffuelhes, general secretary of the CGT, that he would be held responsible for any excess, and had several far-right activists preemptively arrested, "suggesting the preparation of a plot »102. He also brought 45,000 soldiers to Paris102: “Labor Day”, under heavy police surveillance, took place with respect for order and property102. In June 1906, a battle pitted him against Jaurès in the Chamber for six days102. On October 18, 1906, Ferdinand Sarrien, ill, recommended Clemenceau to President Armand Fallières to succeed him102. President of the Council for the first time He became President of the Council on October 25, 1906, at the age of 65, and remained in power almost as long as Waldeck-Rousseau. His cabinet includes the independent socialist René Viviani, at the head of an unprecedented Ministry of Labor, General Picquart, who had revealed the deception accusing Dreyfus, as Minister of War, his journalist and diplomat friend Stephen Pichon at the head of the dock d'Orsay, Louis Barthou in Public Works, Gaston Doumergue in Commerce, and Joseph Caillaux in Finance. In accordance with the habit of combining the presidency of the Council with a ministerial portfolio, Clemenceau remains in the Interior. Finally, he maintains Aristide Briand in Public Education and Religious Affairs. His ministerial program, unveiled on November 5, 1906 in the Chamber, aimed to maintain peace with Germany, while reforming the army in order to prepare France for a possible conflict. On the social level, he declared that he wanted to achieve the implementation of the law on workers' pensions, the law on the 10-hour week, improve the Waldeck-Rousseau law on unions, nationalize the Compagnie des chemins de fer de l'Ouest in almost bankruptcy, intervene in the control of safety in mines with the possibility of buying out coal companies, prepare a draft law on income tax... 17 projects have been launched. Separation of Church and State Clemenceau, President of the Council, caricatured by Achille Lemot in the Catholic magazine Le Pèlerin, September 30, 1906. The priority subject, however, is the application of the law of separation of Church and State, firmly condemned by Pius X in the encyclical Vehementer nos. The question raises new debates, the Vatican doing everything to prevent the formation of religious associations, which are cen Related article: Tomb of Georges Clemenceau. Struck by an attack of uremia at the age of 88, Clemenceau died after three days of illness, at 1:45 a.m. on Sunday, November 24, 1929, 188, at his home at 8 rue Benjamin-Franklin in Paris — the former “bachelor pad” of Robert de Montesquiou — where he had lived for 34 years. On May 18, 1926, the entire building of his apartment was put up for sale as part of the estate of its owner, who, knowing the modest resources of her illustrious tenant, had not increased the rent of the small apartment. The building was secretly purchased on behalf of an admirer of Clemenceau, the American billionaire James Douglas Jr. (1867-1949). Death mask by Georges Clemenceau (Meurisse agency, 1929). “For my funeral, I only want the bare minimum, that is to say me189”. “A terrace planted with acacias which dominates the bed of a stream. Trees, lots of trees. Something in all this is simple and at the same time proud. A sort of peace from the earliest ages […] Mr. Clemenceau showing me his grave: this is the conclusion of your book: a hole and a lot of ado about nothing190.” On his deathbed, Clemenceau, seeing a priest arriving, said: “Take that away!” » but the anecdote is not certain; the Lorraine engraver and sculptor René Godard (1886-1955), Prix de Rome for engraving in 1919, represented him a month before his death sitting in a garden armchair, wearing his eternal soldier's cap - the Asian flats of his face the make them look like Genghis Khan — and François Sicard created his death mask (drawing and mask are reproduced in the tribute issue of L'Illustration in November 1929). His executor is his old Corsican friend Nicolas Pietri. The day after his death, in accordance with the will of the previous May 28 which stipulated "Neither demonstration nor invitations, nor ceremony", his body, near which had been placed according to his instructions a small box covered with goatskin, the book (The Marriage of Figaro according to the homage issue of the Illustration of November 1929) that his mother had left there, his cane "with an iron head which is from my youth", given by his father when he was a child, and "two bouquets of dried flowers", including the one offered to him in Champagne on July 6, 1918 by two outpost soldiers destined to die, was transported in his car and arrived at 12:30 p.m. in Mouchamps (Vendée), at the "sacred wood" where his father had been resting since 1897, in the presence of 200 gendarmes and numerous peasants who rushed in despite the roadblocks and the closure of the path leading to the Colombier manor-farm, where his ancestors had lived from the beginning of the 18th century to 1801191. He was buried in the ground by his driver Brabant, his valet Albert Boulin, two gravediggers and two peasants, on the edge of a wooded ravine overlooking a loop of the Petit Lay (land which had been given to the commune in April 1922 by Clemenceau and his five brothers and sisters) in the simplicity of a traditional Protestant funeral. A persistent legend has it that he was buried upright in order to face the “blue line of the Vosges” or even to defy the Catholic Church; in reality, due to one of the large roots of the cedar tree being impossible to reduce, the coffin could not be placed flat, but was slightly tilted192. One of his friends, Commander Jean de Lattre de Tassigny, future Marshal of France - whose pious mother said her rosary every day since 1918 for the conversion of Clemenceau - was with his wife among his rare Vendée friends to attend his funeral, and then protested towards the bishop who had not thought it necessary to cancel a public celebration planned for the same evening. A copy - without the book on which the spear of the original model rests, at the request of Clemenceau - of the helmeted Minerva known as Samos sculpted by Sicard in blond stone from Egypt overlooks the twin tombs, devoid of slabs and any inscription, surrounded by grids shaded by a large Atlas cedar, “tree of Liberty” planted in 1848 by Benjamin Clemenceau and his young son to celebrate the Second Republic193. For many years, the commune of Montmartre placed flowers on the grave, as did that of Mouchamps, on the anniversary of the Armistice of 1918, and the State, on the day of his death (November 24); it was probably during one of these two circumstances that the amateur painter C. Gauducheau-Merlot represented Sicard's Minerva in 1954 with a base decorated with a tricolor ribbon (Mouilleron-en-Pareds, Clemenceau-De Lattre museum) . By ministerial decision of July 15, 1998, the two tombs, the stele and the access path were included in the Supplementary Inventory of Historic Monuments. Details of mandates and functions     Mayor of the 18th arrondissement of Paris, mainly made up of the former commune of Montmartre (1870-1871)     Municipal councilor of Paris (1871-1876), president of the municipal council of Paris (1875)     Deputy (1871 and 1876-1893)     Senator (1902-1920)     Minister of the Interior (1906)     Minister of War (1917-1920)     President of the Council (1906-1909 and 1917-1920)     Member of the French Academy (elected in 1918, never served there) Tributes and posterity Burial of Georges Clemenceau in Mouchamps (Vendée) Minerva helmeted by Sicard. Fifteen days after the armistice, the National Union of Combatants was created, cited in the Official Journal of December 11, 1918. It was recognized as being of public utility by decree of May 20, 1920. Georges Clemenceau and the Reverend Father Daniel Brottier are the founders. Clemenceau gives the first treasurer of the UNC the sum of 100,000 gold francs, coming from a donation from a mother, whose son fell in combat. In 1918, he became an honorary doctor of the Jagiellonian University in Krakow194. Tributes from personalities Came to bow at his grave:     on May 12, 1946, Charles de Gaulle, surrounded by a crowd estimated at 3,000 people, honoring his promise to come and announce victory, following the message he symbolically sent from London on November 11, 1941:     “At the bottom of your Vendée tomb, Clemenceau, you do not sleep. Certainly the old land of France which buries you forever trembled with anger while the insolent step of the enemy and the muffled march of traitors trod the soil of the homeland..."     two Presidents of the Republic, during official visits: on November 9, 1951 Vincent Auriol and on November 11, 1987 François Mitterrand (surrounded by 300 people), and a former President of the Council and president of the radical-socialist party, Édouard Herriot in 1955. Tributes from Nantes Nantes is one of the cities that paid the most homage to Clemenceau, even during his lifetime. Indeed, it was on November 12, 1918 that the municipality expressed the wish to give his name to the high school where he completed his secondary studies, which was ratified by a decree of February 4, 1919. Shortly after, it was decided to build a memorial to the high school; during the meeting of the municipal council of Nantes on Mars 26, 1919, a debate arose to know whether Clemenceau should be represented there: the socialists, through the voice of Eugène Le Roux, future deputy, considered that it was not necessary and recall that he was also the President of the Council from 1906-1907. The monument (without Clemenceau) of Siméon Foucault was inaugurated in his presence on May 27, 1922; he delivered a speech there, the last sentence of which, addressed to the high school students, has since remained engraved on a plaque in the main courtyard: “to know for yourselves, without waiting for the future, the fortune of your efforts, roll up resolutely wear your sleeves and make your destiny”, words which marked, among other high school students, the future writer Julien Gracq195. This ceremony was on the cover of L'Illustration on June 3. Other tributes were paid to him after his death. On November 24, 1929, the municipality gave his name to the rue du Lycée and shortly after, decided to erect a monument in his honor in the courtyard of the school, pendant to the war memorial. This monument, which features a bust of Clemenceau by François Sicard in a medallion, was inaugurated on April 26, 1931 in the presence of André Tardieu (See The Illustration of May 2, again on the cover). Finally, in 1966, one of the bridges of the “second line of bridges” received the name “Pont Georges-Clemenceau” (the second being the “Pont Aristide-Briand”). Anthumous honors The Monument to Georges Clemenceau in Sainte-Hermine, de Sicard, dates from 1920196. Posthumous honors Clemenceau in Saint Hermine. Georges Clemenceau plaque in the station bearing his name on metro line 1. Onomastic In France, its name, initially planned for one of the four light aircraft carriers to be launched after the war, a ship project ultimately abandoned, was given to one of the two aircraft carriers launched in the early 1960s (the other will be named Foch ). The Clemenceau was in service from 1961 to 1997. During his last voyage, the commander of the “Clem” came to anchor between the Île de Ré and the Vendée coast and fired a salvo of honor to symbolically greet “Bel-Ebat” in Saint-Vincent-sur-Jard , Clemenceau’s holiday home. The name was also given to:     numerous schools including several high schools (one in Nantes, where Clemenceau studied, in Reims, in Montpellier, in Chantonnay, etc.) and several colleges (in Cholet, Epinal, Lyon, les Essarts, Mantes-la-Jolie, Tulle, etc.).     to hospitals (Georges-Clemenceau hospital in Champcueil and Clemenceau hospital in Caen),     to bridges (Georges-Clemenceau bridge in Nantes, Clemenceau bridge in Lyon, etc.)     in squares, avenues or streets, such as Place Clemenceau, in the 8th arrondissement of Paris, Rue Georges-Clemenceau in Nantes and Saint-Malo, etc.), Rue Clemenceau in Calvi, in Tarbes, etc. In 1931, the Champs-Élysées station on line 1 of the Metro took the name Champs-Élysées - Clemenceau. A station on line A of the Rennes metro also bears his name. Abroad, we can cite Avenue Clemenceau in Brussels or Rue Clemenceau in Beirut. In the United States, a district of the town of Cottonwood in Arizona is named Clemenceau (at the request of his friend James Douglas Jr., founder of the Clemenceau Heritage Museum dedicated to the history of the town) and in Canada, a mountain in the Rockies, Mont Clemenceau. An avenue is named after him in Singapore. His statue at the Champs-Élysées roundabout in Paris (1932. Color photo above) is due to the official sculptor François Cogné (1876-1952); terracotta reductions were produced. In Saint-Vincent-sur-Jard (Vendée), the long, low fisherman's house rented from 1920 to Commander Luce de Trémont, lord of Avrillé (Vendée), a neighboring squire, in order to spend half of the year, what he called his “shack” or his “horizontal castle”, where he brought together family furniture, coming from his home in Bernouville (Eure), sold in the meantime. The house was purchased by the State and transformed into a sort of memorial house, which is managed by the National Fund for Historical Monuments and Sites. “The sea here enchants me (…). There are blues and greens on the sky palette. We would make paintings of them” (letter to Monet, autumn 1921). In Paris, his apartment, which had become American property, was transformed into a museum197 in 1931 and managed by a foundation which received from Clemenceau's three heirs the furniture and objects found there at his death; remained open during the Second World War, it received visits from German soldiers, including General von Stülpnagel, commander-in-chief of the occupying troops in France. His son, Michel Clemenceau (1873-1964), resistance fighter, deported and interned in 1940-1945, politician of the Fourth Republic, to whom his father had dedicated one of his works as follows: “To my son, who will have duties after my death", furnished and decorated with furniture, works of art and personal memories of his father, the house he had built from 1927 to 1929 in Moret-sur-Loing (Seine-et-Marne), named " La Grange-Batelière", which he bequeathed to his fourth wife, Madeleine, who kept the family "Clemenceau museum" thus constituted during her life, which was dispersed into 250 lots on February 13, 2005 in Fontainebleau, including several "wrecks" of the collection of Asian art, sold out of necessity in 1894198 by Clemenceau (cf. catalog) to whom, in 1922, in gratitude for his reception in Vendée, the 11-year-old Crown Prince of Japan Hirohito, sent two silk banners painted with carp, which became the signal of his presence for fishermen - and “ a thousand-year-old ivory depicting the goddess of waters”, personal gifts from the imperial couple. As part of this public sale, the State pre-empted certain objects and documents for the Center des Monuments nationaux for the Clemenceau museum on rue Benjamin-Franklin and the Vendée museum funds; Furthermore, that same year, the State acquired Clemenceau's birthplace in Mouilleron-en-Pareds, located two streets from that of Jean de Lattre de Tassigny, which are brought together in the overall project of the national museum of the Deux Victoires (or Georges-Clemenceau-et-Jean-de-Lattre museum), created in 1959 in the town hall on the initiative of Maréchale de Lattre and André Malraux; the Institut Vendéen Clemenceau-de-Lattre, an association of friends of this museum, has its headquarters in this town. Prime Minister Manuel Valls has often declared himself an admirer of Georges Clemenceau and his policies199. In November 2017, the President of the French Republic, Emmanuel Macron, announced that 2018 would be the “Clemenceau year” in France200. “Library-Charpentier”, Charpentier & Fasquelle (1895);     War articles and speeches: Georges Clemenceau, Jean-Jaques Becker, Éditions Pierre de Tailac (2012);     Le Grand Pan, Eugène Fasquelle, 1896 - reed. by the Imprimerie Nationale in 1995, with a preface by Jean-Noël Jeanneney;     The Strongest, contemporary novel (Eugène Fasquelle, 1898);     Iniquity, P.-V.Stock, 1899;     Judges Dreyfus Affair (PV Stock, 1901);     Over the Days (Eugène Fasquelle);     Aux ambushes de la Vie (Charpentier Library / Eugène Fasquelle editor, 1903);     In the fields of power (Payot, 1913): articles collected in volume published in L'Homme Libre between May 5 and July 13, 1913.     At the Foot of Sinai (1898, reed. by Georges Crès, 1920);     Demosthenes (Plon, 1926);     At the evening of thought (Plon, 1927);     Claude Monet: the Water Lilies (Plon, 1928 - “His Claude Monet is at the same time the personal homage that his friendly piety wanted to pay to the artist who had given him so much aesthetic joy and to the innovator whose example seemed to him must be preserved”, Gaston Monnerville, op. cit.);     Grandeurs and Miseries of a Victory (Plon, 1930, reed. Éditions Perrin, coll. Les Mémorables, 2010);     Figures of Vendée (reed. Plon, 1930);     Pour la Patrie, 1914-1918: pages extracted from articles and speeches by GC (Plon, 1934);     War speech (Plon, 1934);     Peace speech (Plon, 1938);     L'Iniquité, first of 7 volumes of his journalistic writings devoted to the Affair, published by Pierre-Victor Stock from 1899 to 1903 (reissued. from the 1899-1906 publication established by Michel Drouin, Mémoire du Livre, 2001); he offered Zola a copy with these words: “to Zola for having followed him into battle”;     The Veil of Happiness, one-act play, Éditions Fasquelle, Paris, 1901, performed for the first time at the Théâtre de la Renaissance on November 4, 1901.     Letters from America, first edition of Clemenceau's articles published in the Parisian newspaper Le Temps between 1865 and 1869; presented by Patrick Weil and Thomas Macé; preface by Bruce Ackerman; Editions Passés compounds, 459 p., 2020. Translation of Clemenceau:     John Stuart Mill, Auguste Comte and positivism, [read online [archive]] (reed. at Alcan, 1893). Iconography     1917 - Clemenceau visiting a trench gouache by Mathurin Méheut (Péronne, Historial de la Grande Guerre, and an oil version made in 1955 to decorate the ship Le Vendée (offered to the Mathurin-Méheut museum in Lamballe);     1919 - Clemenceau by Jean-Louis Forain (drawing);     1920 - Clemenceau by Cecilia Beaux, reproduced above;     1932 - Clemenceau, statue on the Champs-Élysées roundabout in Paris. By the sculptor François Cogné (1876-1952); terracotta reductions were produced;     nd - Clemenceau by Edmond Heuzé;     by Manet, whose Olympia he brought into the Louvre museum, and for whom he fought a duel202;     by René Godart, drawing (in red chalk?) reproduced by L'Illustration;     by Nadar (photograph reproduced above);     by the caricaturist Léandre, who represents him symbolically slicing a “leather ring”203,     by the charged portraits of Jules Depaquit, Noël Dorville, Raoul Guérin, Lucien Métivet, Jacques Nam, Sem204…     by Manet205 reprod. supra;     by Rodin206; Clemenceau himself describes a posing session as follows: “climbing on a stepladder to make sketches of the top of his head then, squatting down, to better see the bottom of his jaw, all this to make him look like a Mongol general207 .208”;     by Albert Besnard in an etching in 1917209;     a terracotta bust faces that of his great friend and almost exact contemporary Claude Monet in the painter's salon-studio in Giverny (Eure), whom he encouraged to have surgery for his cataract;     a large sandstone bust from Carrière is on display at the Sainte-Croix museum in Poitiers;     an anonymous and undated photograph of him sitting at his Parisian office (illustrates the article by Jean Silvain cited in the bibliography) A nutcracker bearing his image dated 1870 is kept at the Gap210 museum.     Georges Clemenceau seen by Aristide Delannoy, Les Hommes du jour, no. 1, January 1908.     Georges Clemenceau seen by Aristide Delannoy, Les Hommes du jour, no. 1, January 1908.     Georges Clemenceau seen by Auguste Rodin, Musée de l'Orangerie, Paris.     Georges Clemenceau seen by Auguste Rodin, Musée de l'Orangerie, Paris.     Georges Clemenceau by Édouard Manet, 1879-1880, Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth, Texas, United States.     Georges Clemenceau by Édouard Manet, 1879-1880, Kimbell Art Museum, Fort Worth, Texas, United States.     Clemenceau's office at the Hôtel de Brienne during the First World War.     Clemenceau's office at the Hôtel de Brienne during the First World War. In popular culture Comic     Clemenceau, by Renaud Dély (screenplay), Chris Regnault (stotyboard), Stefano Carloni (drawing) and Jean Garrigues (historian), Glénat | Fayard, 56 pages, 2017. Filmography     In 1910, his play The Veil of Happiness was adapted by Albert Capellani.     In 1992, Cyril Cusack played Georges Clemenceau in an episode of the television series The Adventures of Young Indiana Jones.     In 1974, John Bennett played Georges Clemenceau in The Fall of the Eagles.     In 2006, Michael König played Georges Clemenceau in Prince Rodolphe: Sissi's Heir.     In 2012, Didier Bezace played Georges Clemenceau in the TV film Clemenceau directed by Olivier Guignard.     In 2020, his play The Veil of Happiness was filmed in English, directed by Marc Goldberg, with original incidental music by Gabriel Fauré211.     He is played by André Dussolier in the film The Tiger and the President (2022) by Jean-Marc Peyrefitte. Television     Michel Ragon: “Georges & Louise”, Belgian Radio-Television of the French Community, Sonuma, January 27, 2000, see online [archive].     The Secrets d'Histoire program entitled Georges Clemenceau: a Tiger with a big heart, produced by Dominique Leeb, is dedicated to him212. Notes and references Notes Pronunciation in standard French French transcribed phonemically according to the API standard. Stéphane Gacon, “The amnesty of the Commune (1871-1880)”, Lignes, no 10, 2003, p. 45-64 (read online [archive]):     “Two amnesty laws were passed: The first was promulgated on Mars 3, 1879. It is very partial since it only concerns people who have already been pardoned or who obtain a presidential pardon within three months. She therefore invented the “amnesting grace”, a new legal category in a democracy which, by tradition, has This paternal influence left an indelible imprint on the Tiger who nourished throughout his life a great admiration for the French Revolution and its ideals. In the words of Michel Winock “Georges was raised under the portraits of the men of the French Revolution13. » Through his philosophical and political convictions, Clemenceau thus affirmed himself as a true heir of the “Blues”, in the traditional tripartite partition of the political behavior of the French. Since the French Revolution, the political behavior of the French has in fact been divided into three families inherited from the major philosophical and political currents that emanated during and after the French Revolution, namely the “Blues”, the “Whites” and the “Reds”. In this political partition, the “Blues” are the liberals
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